Nesta quarta-feira (29/06), de forma unânime, o Conselho de Segurança da ONU estendeu os mandatos de três operações de paz lideradas pela organização no Mali, em Darfur (Sudão) e nas Colinas de Golan. A missão no Mali (MINUSMA) foi expandida por um ano e terá um maior número de tropas e policiais. Já a missão nas Colinas de Golan (UNDOF) foi estendida por apenas seis meses e houve forte condenação do conflito armado sírio nas proximidades. Por fim, a UNAMID, missão de paz em Darfur, no Sudão, foi mantida por mais um ano sem alterações.
Após a Corte Penal Internacional arquivar processo sobre crimes cometidos em Darfur, no Sudão, Omar al-Bashir, presidente do país, comemorou a “vitória”. Chamando a Corte de “colonial”, disse que foi uma vitória do povo sudanês contra uma possível humilhação. A Corte concluiu que houve falha da ONU e que seu Conselho de Segurança deve rever sua atitude no conflito.
Sudão do Sul acusa Sudão e corta escoamento de petróleo
12 de junho de 2013
O presidente do Sudão do Sul cumpriu com seu avisou de 27 de maio deste ano fechando o fluxo de petróleo para o seu vizinho, o Sudão, destinado à exportação, caso o governo mantivesse apoiando a guerrilha no Sul ou na região do Darfur. Ao mesmo tempo, Bashir negou que apoiasse, em contrapartida, as guerrilhas no país do norte. (mais…)
Darfur: Money Won’t Buy Human Rights
05 de abril de 2013 – Think Africa Press/Jehanne Henry
Darfur desperately needs help – but not just to repair damage from the horrific conflict that erupted in 2003, killing 300,000 people, destroying hundreds of villages and pushing 2 million people to camps inside Darfur and across the Chadian border. Darfur also desperately needs to overcome the marginalisation and underdevelopment that helped fuel the conflict.
This weekend, delegates from donor countries and financial institutions will be meeting in Doha, Qatar, and are expected to pledge support for an ambitious development strategy in Darfur. So why are so many Darfuris, and Darfur activists, uneasy?
Firstly, the armed conflict is not over. The Sudanese government is still using its army, air force, and still-intact militia – including janjaweed – in its counter-insurgency operations against rebel groups and its abusive attacks on the ethnic communities they accuse of supporting the rebels. Lawlessness and the proliferation of arms have made communal conflicts, in which government forces often participate, more lethal. These have resulted in hundreds of deaths and displaced more than 100,000 people this year alone.
Secondly, vast parts of Darfur are not accessible to peacekeepers or aid workers. The African Union/United Nations peacekeeping mission, UNAMID, cannot visit the majority of areas where violence has occurred to help protect civilians and monitor the abuses. This is not just due to security problems, but also because the government restricts access for independent monitors and observers. Although Sudan recently said it has streamlined access requirements, many observers remain dubious whether it will truly open up.
The third problem is the Sudanese government’s repressive policies. The government uses national security laws to harass and detain suspected rebels and their presumed supporters, including students, for long periods without judicial review or charge.
And then there’s accountability. The government has done nothing to provide justice for victims of the most serious abuses during the conflict – including for any of the government’s own attacks on villages. With a few exceptions, the authorities shield members of government forces from prosecution and have ignored the warrants for the arrest of President Omar al-Bashir and others from the International Criminal Court.
Under these circumstances, it is difficult to see how the 155-page Developing Darfur: A Recovery and Reconstruction Strategy – which includes everything from building roads, schools, and clinics, to agricultural schemes, to the tune of $7 billion – can be meaningfully implemented. As the World Bank itself has noted, countries mired in violence are where people face the worst failures of development. In a 2011 report about development in conflict areas, the World Bank notes how crucial security, justice, and jobs are to break the cycles of violence.
The aims of the conference are, of course, admirable. In addition to supporting recovery and development projects, it will draw attention to Darfur, which has slipped out of the limelight, and could breathe life into the Doha Document for Peace in Darfur – the 2011 peace agreement signed by the government and one rebel group. Support for the development strategy, it is hoped, will attract more support for – and signatories to – the peace deal.
Long-suffering Darfuris deserve the international solidarity and generosity, but there are real concerns that funds will not improve human rights. Money can’t buy the reforms needed to make the strategy’s vision of respect for human rights and the rule of law come true. Only Sudan’s government can rein in its forces, disarm militia, hold abusers accountable, stop bombing and attacking civilians, and end its repressive policies. Only the government can grant the UN and aid groups the unfettered access they need.
All of those steps are set out in countless UN Security Council Resolutions and incorporated into benchmarks such as those put forward by the UN Group of Experts for improving the human rights situation. But Sudan has repudiated external efforts to change its behaviour and implemented almost none of them.
International donors rightly want to see sustained development and respect for basic rights in Darfur. They should not accept partial, politicised development, nor should they ignore ongoing rights abuses or the pressing humanitarian needs that still exist. Instead, donors should lean hard on their beneficiary government and insist on long-demanded reforms and better human rights conditions.
They should insist on full access to Darfur, transparency in the management and oversight of the funding, and independent monitoring to ensure that funds promote real improvements in the human rights situation and don’t contribute to continuing repression.
‘Over 3,000’ killed in South Sudan massacre
AFP – 06/12/2012
Over 3,000 people were killed in South Sudan in brutal massacres last week in an explosion of ethnic violence that forced tens of thousands to flee, the top local official said on Friday.
“There have been mass killings, a massacre,” said Joshua Konyi, commissioner for Pibor county in Jonglei state.
“We have been out counting the bodies, and we calculate so far that 2,182 women and children were killed and 959 men died.”
United Nations and South Sudanese army officials have yet to confirm the death tolls and the claims from the remote region could not be independently verified.
If confirmed, the killings of 3,141 people would be the worst outbreak of ethnic violence ever seen in the fledgling nation, which split from Sudan in July. (mais…)
Sudan rebels in Darfur, border states sign alliance
Reuters – 12/11/2011 – por Ulf Laessing & Khalid Abdelaziz
Rebels in Sudan’s Darfur region and troubled southern border states said Saturday they had formed an alliance to topple the government of President Omar Hassan al-Bashir, raising the prospect of more violence in the volatile areas.
Sudan accused South Sudan, which split away as an independent country in July, of having helped set up the alliance and called it an act of aggression.
Analysts said the new alliance showed closer coordination among various rebel groups left in Sudan after the South seceded under the terms of a 2005 peace agreement.
Sudan’s army is fighting separate insurgencies in the western region of Darfur as well as in the southern states of South Kordofan and Blue Nile bordering South Sudan. (mais…)